Balkan countries are taking widely different positions on Israel and the war in Gaza. Experts say domestic politics, transactional diplomacy and unresolved identity questions shape these stances far more than any shared regional view. The divergence comes even as much of Europe has moved towards greater concern over Israel’s conduct in the conflict.
Marko Prelec, an analyst at the International Crisis Group, said the Balkan countries have almost no common positions, so their approaches to Israel and Gaza are “all over the map”. “Each country goes its own way,” he said. Prelec noted genuine revulsion at Israeli policy in Gaza and sympathy for Palestinians, particularly among Bosnian Muslims, but said most governments in the region base their positions on unrelated interests.
Florian Bieber, a professor of Southeast European history and politics at the University of Graz in Austria, said a regional consensus is nearly impossible. He argued that positions on Israel are strongly shaped by domestic politics and national narratives, which makes a regional or country-specific stance unlikely.
Bosnia’s ethno-national divide over the Gaza war
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the war in Gaza has deepened existing ethno-national divisions. Bosniak political representatives and much of the public in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina have expressed strong solidarity with Palestinians. Leaders in Republika Srpska have been openly pro-Israel, and some Croat political figures have also taken a more sympathetic tone towards Israel.
Bieber said Bosniak solidarity is often viewed not only through an ideological lens but also through the experience of war. He said Bosniaks compare the Palestinian experience with their own in the 1990s, when they were victims of Serb nationalist aggression.
In the Serb-majority entity, leaders led by former President Milorad Dodik have openly embraced Israel. Bosko Jaksic, a foreign policy analyst and journalist, quoted Dodik’s outlook as “The enemy of my enemy is my friend”, with Jews and Orthodox Serbs set against Muslims. Jaksic said this religious and ethnic factor lets Dodik maintain an Israeli connection alongside his closeness with Russia, while also glorifying US President Donald Trump.
Prelec described Bosnian Serb outreach to Israel, and specifically to Likud, the ruling Israeli party, as an attempt to find allies for what he called an internationally unpopular flirtation with separatism. He said it was also an indirect way to strengthen ties with parts of the MAGA movement and the Trump administration.
Serbia’s arms exports and drone plant with Israel
Serbia’s approach to Israel combines defence economics with foreign policy. Despite historically friendly relations with Palestine and votes in favour of Palestinian membership in international bodies, Belgrade has exported ammunition and arms to Israel since October 2023. In September, Serbia opened an Israeli-linked drone assembly plant, which the reports describe as a sign of the growing practical side of defence cooperation.
Vuk Vuksanovic, a lecturer in foreign policy and grand strategy at King’s College London, said Serbia’s defence industry “has not been particularly picky when it comes to its customers”, and that the desire for profit has been one factor. He added that over the past three years there has been a tilt towards Israel on security cooperation. Diplomatically, he said, Serbia tries to be cautious in multilateral institutions because of its ties with the wider Islamic world.
Vuksanovic said Belgrade views Israel as a partner that can help it gain the protection of Israeli lobby groups and access to the Trump administration. He linked this to the domestic political opposition the Serbian government faces.
Jaksic warned that Serbia risks being accused of complicity in genocide, given the significant rise in ammunition exports to Israel during the war in Gaza. Beyond financial calculations, he said, the Serbian president is trying to use closeness with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, whom Jaksic described as an ideological, authoritarian and nationalist ally, to get closer to Trump.
Kosovo, Albania and Croatia take different routes
For Kosovo and Albania, Israel policy remains anchored to security alliances with Washington. Under the 2020 Washington Agreement, Kosovo recognised Israel in exchange for Israeli recognition of Kosovo’s independence, and later opened its embassy in Jerusalem. Serbia had pledged in 2020 to move its embassy to Jerusalem but ultimately did not do so.
Jaksic said Pristina’s embassy move was “defying the stance of the wider international community”. He also said Israel’s growing influence in the Western Balkans is evident, including through investment and, in Serbia’s case, military cooperation. He argued this does not rule out personal attempts to buy political impunity from American sanctions or to ease diplomatic pressure.
In Albania, Prime Minister Edi Rama’s government has kept warm political ties with Israel. Partly driven by operational defence needs, Albania deepened cooperation with Israeli cybersecurity companies after cyberattacks, while aligning its wider diplomacy with Washington and Brussels.
In Croatia, Gaza policy has been held back by a sharp executive rift between conservative Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic and President Zoran Milanovic. Plenkovic’s government has followed a cautious, mainstream European Union approach. Milanovic has openly condemned Israel’s military conduct in Gaza, calling it disproportionate, which has created a public fracture in the country’s foreign policy leadership.
Slovenia’s policy reversal and quieter stances elsewhere
In Slovenia, the previous centre-left government adopted firm measures against Israel. These included an arms embargo, a ban on imports from illegal settlements and a ban on entry for top officials such as Netanyahu, and the government also recognised Palestinian statehood. Conservative forces under Prime Minister Janez Jansa have sought to reverse these policies.
Bieber said that in Slovenia the left-right divide is visible, with populist and far-right parties supporting Israel because they see Netanyahu as a similar political actor. He said these parties regard Netanyahu as ideologically aligned, which reinforces their view of Islam as a threat.
Montenegro and North Macedonia, both NATO members, have chosen a path of quiet alignment. Both adhere to standard EU and NATO statements calling for ceasefires and humanitarian aid, while avoiding high-profile bilateral disputes or bold independent diplomatic initiatives. Romania and Bulgaria maintain a cautious tone that sometimes leans towards Israel, balancing carefully worded statements at the United Nations with ongoing military and intelligence coordination.
Greece has maintained a robust strategic military and energy partnership with Israel through consecutive governments in Athens, which recently signed a $3.5bn missile deal with Israel. The alliance was originally forged alongside Cyprus to balance regional maritime rivalries in the Eastern Mediterranean. It has held despite significant domestic public backlash and protests over the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.
Taken together, the varied responses show that Middle Eastern policy in the Balkans is rarely about the Middle East itself. Whether driven by defence profits, regional rivalries or the search for political backing in Washington, regional actors view Israel almost exclusively through a transactional lens, the experts said.
