Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban and his Fidesz party are preparing for their first tightly contested election on April 12, ending a streak of four consecutive landslide victories since 2010. Over his 16 years in power, Orban has drawn international scrutiny for his approach to democratic norms, media freedom, and LGBTQ rights. Below is an overview of his key policies and their impact on Hungary.
With a two-thirds parliamentary majority, Orban’s government enacted a new constitution in 2011 and altered hundreds of laws. Early in his tenure, Fidesz forced many judges into retirement through legislation criticized by the European Union for breaching its standards. Although Hungary’s Constitutional Court later invalidated parts of this legislation, critics argue that electoral reforms have entrenched Fidesz’s dominance by favoring larger parties, redrawing district boundaries, and extending voting rights to ethnic Hungarians across Central Europe, a demographic largely supportive of Orban. Loyalists occupy influential positions in key institutions, and since 2022, Orban has frequently ruled by decree under a state of emergency declared following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. His administration has also restricted certain non-governmental organizations and tightened oversight of academic institutions. This environment led to the closure of the Open Society Foundations’ Budapest office in 2018 and the relocation of the Central European University to Vienna in 2019. Orban dismisses claims of democratic erosion, asserting that voters have repeatedly endorsed his legislative agenda.
Positioning himself as a guardian of Hungary’s cultural identity, Orban has framed his leadership as a defense against Muslim immigration and Western liberalism, particularly targeting what he terms “gender and LGBT ideology.” His government constitutionally defined marriage as a union between one man and one woman, limited adoption rights for gay couples, and curtailed transgender rights. In March 2025, parliament passed legislation permitting police to ban Pride marches, citing child protection concerns as justification for restricting assembly rights. Following the 2015 migration crisis, Hungary erected a border fence and implemented some of Europe’s strictest asylum policies. Rejecting immigration as a solution to demographic decline, Orban has instead promoted family growth through substantial tax incentives.
Orban’s tenure has also seen a significant transformation of Hungary’s media landscape. The government has consolidated control over state media, turning it into a pro-government platform, while private media outlets loyal to Fidesz have benefited from redirected advertising revenues. Meanwhile, several independent outlets have been shut down or acquired by government-aligned owners. These developments have prompted accusations from the European Union and pro-democracy advocates that press freedom is under threat, allegations the government denies.
On the international stage, Hungary, a member of both the EU and NATO, has pursued an “Eastern opening” policy, encouraging investments from Russia and China alongside traditional partners like Germany. Orban has positioned himself as a defender of Moscow’s interests within the EU, condemning Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine but opposing a ban on Russian energy imports, arguing such measures would harm Hungary’s economy. Relations with Ukraine have deteriorated over issues including energy shipments, and Hungary has blocked a 90 billion euro EU loan to Ukraine.
Economically, Hungary repaid all outstanding International Monetary Fund debt in 2013 after a bailout during the global financial crisis, regaining investment-grade status by 2016. Orban’s administration reduced fiscal deficits and public debt until the COVID-19 pandemic reversed these trends. In late 2024, the government raised budget deficit targets to 5% for both 2025 and 2026 to accommodate pre-election expenditures. Hungary imposes Europe’s highest bank tax and levies taxes on telecoms, energy, and retail sectors, mostly foreign-owned, which has caused friction with Brussels. Under Orban, business figures and oligarchs close to Fidesz have acquired significant stakes in strategic sectors, increasing Hungarian ownership. Orban stated earlier this year that the banking, media, and energy sectors are now majority Hungarian-owned. Despite these changes, the economy has experienced stagnation over the past three years.
